Sonntag, 31. Oktober 2021

Nach langen Verhandlungen einigen sich Moldau und der russische Staatskonzern Gazprom auf einen neuen Fünfjahresvertrag. Eine Versorgungskrise in dem kleinen Land ist damit abgewendet. Der Preis dafür könnte Moldaus europäischer Kurs sein.

 POLITIK

Gazprom gegen MoldauWie Russland mit Gas einen Staat erpresst

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Im September begrüßte die moldauische Präsidentin Maia Sandu Bundespräsident Steinmeier (nicht im Bild) in Chișinău.

(Foto: picture alliance/dpa)

Nach langen Verhandlungen einigen sich Moldau und der russische Staatskonzern Gazprom auf einen neuen Fünfjahresvertrag. Eine Versorgungskrise in dem kleinen Land ist damit abgewendet. Der Preis dafür könnte Moldaus europäischer Kurs sein.

Als die prowestliche Politikerin Maia Sandu im November 2020 zur Präsidentin der Republik Moldau gewählt wurde, betonte sie, sie wolle die guten Beziehungen zu Russland unbedingt aufrechterhalten. Doch seit das moldauische Parlament im August eine neue, von Sandu bestimmte Regierung bestätigte, kriselt es gewaltig zwischen Moldau und Moskau. Angesichts einer drohenden Gasknappheit sah sich das kleine Land zwischen Rumänien und der Ukraine bereits gezwungen, den Ausnahmezustand zu erklären.

Am Freitag dann einigten sich Vertreter Moldaus und die Führung des russischen Staatskonzerns Gazprom bei Verhandlungen in Sankt Petersburg auf einen neuen fünfjährigen Vertrag. Zuvor hatte Gazprom gedroht, ab Dezember kein Gas mehr nach Moldau zu liefern. Für Moldau ist die Gaskrise damit vorerst beendet. Der politische Preis für die Einigung könnte allerdings hoch sein. Wie die "Financial Times" unter Berufung auf eigene Quellen berichtete, bot Gazprom Moldau Gas zu einem niedrigeren Preis an, wenn die Regierung in Chișinău ihr Freihandelsabkommen mit der EU neu verhandele und die mit der Europäischen Union vereinbarten Energiemarktreformen verschiebe.

Ob Präsidentin Sandu tatsächlich ihren Kurs ändert, wird sich in den kommenden Monaten zeigen. In jedem Fall war der Verhandlungsprozess ein Musterbeispiel dafür, wie Russland versucht, die Abhängigkeit eines Landes vom russischen Gas zu nutzen, um es auf Distanz zur EU zu bringen.

Nachdem der bisherige Gasvertrag im September ausgelaufen war, musste Moldau im Oktober im Rahmen eines kurzzeitigen Zwischenvertrages rund 790 US-Dollar pro 1000 Kubikmeter bezahlen - etwa fünfmal mehr als 2020. Bei der Preiserhöhung spielten auch die generellen europäischen Rekordgaspreise eine Rolle. Doch Gazprom übte auch auf eine andere Art Druck auf Chișinău aus: Nämlich bestand Gazprom-Sprecher Sergej Kuprijanow vor einer Woche darauf, dass Moldau Schulden aus früheren Lieferungen vor der Abschließung eines neuen Vertrages zurückzahlt. Die Schulden bezifferte Kuprijanow einschließlich Verzögerungsstrafen auf 709 Millionen US-Dollar.

"Element des hybriden Kriegs"

Dass Russland einer vermeintlich prowestlichen Regierung keinen niedrigen Gaspreis zugestehen und in Moldau alte Schulden eintreiben will, mag auf den ersten Blick politisch nachvollziehbar sein. Doch so einfach ist es nicht. "Diese 'historischen Schulden' beginnen im Jahr 1994", sagte der moldauische Vizepremier Andrei Spinu. "Wir sind bereit, über diese Fragen zu verhandeln, aber erst nach einer gründlichen Prüfung des zuständigen Unternehmens Moldovagaz, um die Herkunft der Schulden nachzuvollziehen." Weil Gazprom Hauptaktionär von Moldovagaz ist, handelt es sich de facto um ein Tochterunternehmen des russischen Staats.

Valeriu Pasha, ein Experte der Organisation WatchDog Moldova, nennt die Schulden "künstlich". Nicht die Republik Moldau habe Schulden bei Gazprom, sondern Moldovagaz - ein Unternehmen also, das zum größten Teil Gazprom gehöre. Niemand habe die Verträge überprüft, auf denen die Geldforderungen basieren: Gazprom habe viel mehr Geld aus Moldovagaz herausgepumpt als Gas geliefert, sagte Pasha der russischen Redaktion der BBC.

In Moldau ist man sicher, dass es Gazprom und Russland weniger darum ging, dass Moskau - wie vom Kreml dargestellt - Verluste für den eigenen Staatshaushalt vermeiden wollte. Viel wichtiger sei der Aspekt der politischen Beziehungen zu Chișinău, die sich nach dem Wahlsieg von Maia Sandu allen Beteuerungen zum Trotz verschlechtert haben. "Es ist ein Teil der üblichen Strategie Russlands, im nahen Ausland die ökonomischen Kosten zu erhöhen und das Wachstum zu reduzieren, um eine fruchtbare Entwicklung und die Fortsetzung der europäischen Integration zu verhindern", sagt Valeriu Pasha, der dies für ein Element des "hybriden Kriegs" der russischen Regierung hält.

Pasha zufolge liegt es allerdings auch in der Verantwortung der Staatsführung von Moldau, die sich in 30 Jahren keine Mühe gemacht habe, ihre Energieversorgung zu diversifizieren, weswegen das Land weiterhin von Gazprom erpresst werden kann. Tatsächlich hat Chișinău kaum ernsthafte Alternativen zum russischen Gas erschlossen. Jüngste Noteinkäufe in Polen, den Niederlanden und der Ukraine erwiesen sich als nicht besonders erfolgreich. Ohnehin würde das Szenario, Gas künftig vor allem aus Rumänien und der Ukraine zu beziehen, vermutlich daran scheitern, dass beide Länder nicht ausreichend exportieren können.

Zwar hat auch Gazprom in Moldau einen schwachen Punkt, nämlich die Lieferungen in das abtrünnige und von Moskau unterstützte Transnistrien, die ohne Moldau technisch nicht möglich sind. Auch das dürfte beim Abschluss des neuen Vertrages eine Rolle gespielt haben. Dennoch ist es bei der harten Rhetorik Moskaus der letzten Wochen kaum vorstellbar, dass die Regierung um Präsidentin Sandu keine ernsthaften Zugeständnisse an Gazprom gemacht hat. Jedenfalls bleiben die konkreten Bedingungen des neuen Vertrages unbekannt. Die russische Nachrichtenagentur TASS berichtet indes, dass die neue Preisformel einen Preis zwischen 500 und 600 US-Dollar bedeuten würde. Dies ist zweimal mehr als beim letzten Vertrag, aber immerhin deutlich weniger, als Chișinău im Oktober zahlen musste.

Quelle: ntv.d

Argentina, the IMF’s largest debtor, has proposed that countries be exempted from paying surcharges amid the financial and economic burden of the pandemic. Talks on a new IMF program have stalled ahead of the Argentina’s midterm elections on Nov. 14

 Economics

In Win for Argentina, G-20 Statement Mentions IMF Surcharges

 Updated on 
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    G-20 draft has sentence on a discussion on surcharges
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    Argentine leaders pushed for months to have issue recognized
The financial district of Buenos Aires
The financial district of Buenos Aires Photographer: Eitan Abramovich/AFP/Getty Images

In a diplomatic nod to Argentina, leaders at the G-20 Summit in Rome are planning to ask their finance chiefs to look at the surcharge policy at the International Monetary Fund.

A draft of the G-20 communique mentions that “our finance ministers look forward to further discussion of surcharge policy at the IMF Board in the context of the precautionary balances interim review.” Two Argentine officials confirmed the statement will likely be included in the final communique to be published Sunday. 

The IMF charges countries a rate of 200 basis points, or 2 percentage points, on outstanding loans above 187.5% of a country’s quota, increasing to 300 basis points if a credit remains above that percentage after three years. 

Argentina, the IMF’s largest debtor, has proposed that countries be exempted from paying surcharges amid the financial and economic burden of the pandemic. Talks on a new IMF program have stalled ahead of the Argentina’s midterm elections on Nov. 14.

Argentine Economy Minister Martin Guzman has pinned his negotiation strategy over a record $46 billion debt load due to the IMF on getting the institution to lower the surcharges. President Alberto Fernandez said in a tweet that he had a “good” meeting on Saturday with IMF Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva.  

“Negotiations are ongoing for an agreement that allows Argentina to repay the debt inherited from the previous administration,” according to a statement from Argentina’s government. “In the next few days there will be technical meetings with the staff to continue the process.” 

An attempt to obtain temporary relief for the country was already turned down earlier this year so while this G-20 gesture is promising, it’s still far from clear whether the IMF board will ultimately agree to a waiver. Surcharges are an important part of the fund’s revenues.

IMF Rejected Argentina’s Request for Temporary Surcharges Relief

— With assistance by John Follain, Jorgelina Do Rosario, and Amy Stillman

(Updates with comment by Fernandez on his meeting with the IMF’s Georgiev

Samstag, 30. Oktober 2021

Argentina has approved taking out a loan for more than $1.9 billion to finance the construction of a 237 MW hydropower plant in northern Patagonia, a key for balancing fluctuating electricity output from wind and solar parks to meet future demand

 

Argentina lines up financing for hydropower project

October 26, 2021 | Charles Newbery

Credit Suisse and Santander grant a 20-year loan with a guarantee from Germany's Euler Hermes, Emhidro head says

Corporate & Sovereign Strategy Dams Project & Infrastructure Finance Electricity Hydro Wind Solar Loans

Argentina has approved taking out a loan for more than $1.9 billion to finance the construction of a 237 MW hydropower plant in northern Patagonia, a key for balancing fluctuating electricity output from wind and solar parks to meet future demand, people close to the project said on Monday. Santander and Credit Suisse have granted a 20-year loan to finance 85% of the Chihuido 1 project with guarantees from German credit insurance company Euler Hermes, said Elías Sapag, president of the Emprendim

Argentine oil company will use cash to redeem notes due in November after getting just 8.8% acceptance for a debt exchange

 

CGC lures few in bond swap

November 1, 2021 | Charles Newbery

Argentine oil company will use cash to redeem notes due in November after getting just 8.8% acceptance for a debt exchange

Bonds Debt Fixed Income Argentina Gas Oil

Argentine oil and natural gas company Compañía General de Combustibles (CGC) said Friday that it will dip into its cash reserves to pay a 9.5% bond that matures on November 7 this year, after failing to attract many offers to swap them for new notes maturing in 2025. "The company fully expects to use cash on hand to repay any outstanding 2021 notes not tendered in the exchange offer by accessing the Argentine foreign exchange market," CGC said in a securities filing. CGC, which is controlled by

Donnerstag, 28. Oktober 2021

Miami (AP) -- Venezuela’s government quietly offered last year to release imprisoned Americans in exchange for the U.S. letting go a key financier of President Nicolás Maduro, according to people with knowledge of the proposal and message exchanges seen by The Associated Press. The offer was discussed at a previously reported meeting in Mexico City in September 2020 between a top Maduro aide and Richard Grenell, a close ally of former President Donald Trump, one of the people involved in organizing the meeting said.

 Politics

Venezuela Sought to Swap Americans for Maduro Ally

 Updated on 
Nicolas Maduro speaks in a prerecorded video during the United Nations General Assembly on Sept. 22. 
Nicolas Maduro speaks in a prerecorded video during the United Nations General Assembly on Sept. 22.  Photographer: Michael Nagle/Bloomberg

Miami (AP) -- Venezuela’s government quietly offered last year to release imprisoned Americans in exchange for the U.S. letting go a key financier of President Nicolás Maduro, according to people with knowledge of the proposal and message exchanges seen by The Associated Press.

The offer was discussed at a previously reported meeting in Mexico City in September 2020 between a top Maduro aide and Richard Grenell, a close ally of former President Donald Trump, one of the people involved in organizing the meeting said.

The offer, which was rejected by the Trump administration, has taken on new relevance following the extradition this month to Miami of businessman Alex Saab, who prosecutors believe was the main conduit for corruption in Maduro's inner circle. In retaliation, Venezuela reimprisoned six executives of Houston-based Citgo, a subsidiary of Venezuela's state-owned oil giant, who had been under house arrest.

A little over a year ago, Maduro’s government was looking to release the so-called Citgo 6 along with two former Green Berets tied to a failed cross-border raid in exchange for Saab, according to former Miami Congressman David Rivera, who says he helped organize the meeting.

Grenell declined to say what the September 2020 meeting was about but adamantly denied it had anything to do with hostage negotiations.

“I never discussed a swap. It wasn’t something we were interested in nor was it a point of negotiation — ever,” he said in a brief statement. “The purpose of the meeting was clear to everyone who was actually negotiating."

However, Venezuela's interest in negotiating for Saab was corroborated by another individual with knowledge of the proposal on the condition of anonymity to discuss the private diplomatic effort. The AP also saw text messages from right after the meeting between some of the organizers — but not Grenell — in which follow-up steps for a deal to return the American prisoners is discussed.

Rivera's account raises fresh questions about the nature and scope of the back-channel diplomacy. It’s also likely to add pressure on the Biden administration, which is already facing criticism for not doing enough to bring home Americans wrongfully detained abroad, to pursue a prisoner deal of its own with Maduro — something it has resisted until now.

Among new details to emerge: Grenell was joined in Mexico City by Erik Prince, the founder of controversial security firm Blackwater and whose sister, Betsy DeVos, was Trump’s education secretary.

In Rivera's telling, he was asked to get involved by Raul Gorrín, a Venezuelan businessman who had been trying to bridge differences between the U.S. and Maduro before being indicted himself on charges of bribing top Maduro officials. Rivera, a Republican who served a single term in Congress, said he was a translator in encrypted conference calls over Wickr, a messaging app, ahead of the meeting in which Gorrín explained to Prince that Maduro was willing to swap the Americans for Saab.

"Both Gorrín in Spanish and me in English made it crystal clear to Prince repeatedly that the purpose of the meeting was to discuss freeing the Americans in exchange for Saab," Rivera said.

Saab had been arrested a few months earlier in Cape Verde en route to Iran and was fighting tooth and nail against extradition to the U.S. He was joined by Maduro's government, which considers the previously low-profile Colombian-born businessman a diplomatic envoy and keeper of state secrets that, if revealed, would compromise Venezuela's national security.

According to Rivera, after several back-and-forth calls Prince arranged for him and Grenell to travel to Mexico City to meet with Jorge Rodríguez, a top aide to Maduro and now president of the pro-government congress. In 2019, Prince traveled to Caracas to meet with Rodríguez's sister, Vice President Delcy Rodríguez, cementing his role as one of the few American interlocutors to the otherwise isolated Maduro government.

Rivera said he was supposed to be present for the meeting as well, but got delayed while making a connection in Houston. When he arrived to the Mexican capital, the meeting at The Westin hotel had already blown up over Grenell's insistence that any prisoner swap be accompanied with an exit plan for Maduro, Rivera said.

In a subsequent call, Prince told Gorrín “that the Citgo 6 were simply not valuable enough to the Trump administration for a straight prisoner swap for Saab,” Rivera said.

It's not clear how seriously the Trump administration considered Maduro's offer — if at all. The trip to Mexico City surprised some senior Trump officials, who learned about it from reporters and worried it could undermine efforts to undermine Maduro through sanctions and ongoing investigations into corruption.

Unlike prisoner exchanges the U.S. has recently carried out with other hostile governments, from Cuba to Iran, Saab hasn't yet been tried for his alleged crimes. Moreover, his arrest was the result of a years-long effort by law enforcement that had been cheered on by foreign policy hawks and influential Venezuelan exiles in Florida for whom Saab — the architect of efforts to circumvent U.S. sanctions — was a trophy too valuable to give up before he was behind bars in the U.S.

“There was no way we were going to swap for Saab. Grenell and the others had absolutely no authority to offer that," said Elliott Abrams, who served as the U.S. special representative for Venezuela under Trump. "The move to detain and try Saab was an all-of-government interagency effort. These freelancers represented no one but themselves.”

Rodríguez and Prince didn't respond to requests for comment. A U.S. government official told the AP the State Department “is not in a position to comment on reports of deliberations of a prior administration.”

Rivera said he decided to get involved in the prisoner swap because he believed Gorrín had played a positive behind the scenes role securing the release from jail of Venezuela's most prominent anti-governmental activist, Leopoldo López. He also knew a few of the jailed Citgo executives from his time as a consultant working for another U.S. subsidiary of PDVSA.

That work, for which Rivera was to be paid $50 million, is the subject of a lawsuit by Maduro's opponents, who now run Citgo and other PDVSA operations in the U.S. They say Rivera never performed any meaningful work. Rivera, a target of past state and federal investigations into improper campaign dealings, has countersued, arguing breach of contract.

Whatever the extent of Trump's closed-door dealings with Maduro, families of nine Americans jailed in Caracas are less hopeful about the prospects for a deal under the Biden administration.

Unlike Trump, who regularly hosted former American captives at the White House and whose unconventional foreign policy gave a boost to informal hostage negotiations, the Biden team has so far been short on high-profile detainee releases.

“Mr. President, we are frustrated by the lack of action by your administration,” the families wrote to Biden in a letter this month. “The people-in-charge of protecting and returning wrongfully detained Americans have not even taken the basic first step of directly engaging with the Venezuelans that are holding our loved ones.”

The lack of urgency is especially troubling to the family of José Pereira, the former president of Citgo, who over the weekend was rushed to a private clinic in Caracas for emergency treatment for a cardiac condition that his family says has worsened since his detention four years ago.

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Pereira and the other Citgo executives were sentenced last year to long prison sentences over a never-executed plan to refinance billions in the oil company’s bonds. They're being held at Caracas' infamous Helicoide prison along with two former Green Berets — Mark Denman and Airan Berry — who were arrested for their involvement in a confusing plot to overthrow Maduro. Also detained is former U.S. Marine Matthew Heath, who is being held on weapons charges.

Former New Mexico Gov. Bill Richardson, a veteran hostage negotiator who has traveled to Caracas to push for the American prisoners' release, said the new details of the Mexico City meeting should serve as a wake up call.

“My involvement and discussions with the Venezuelans and Maduro on behalf of the families of the American prisoners leads me to believe Maduro is interested in negotiating for their release," he said. "I think the Biden Administration should approach this with an open mind.”

___

AP writer Eric Tucker in Washington contributed to this report

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